Watching a legal protection vanish through a memo rather than a court decision or a congressional vote causes a certain type of vertigo. In April of this year, the Education Department quietly revoked six Title IX agreements, which were signed during the administrations of Obama and Biden.
These agreements required school districts to implement policies that protected transgender students. I’ve lost six agreements. And it’s up to schools, students, and legal professionals to figure out what it really means.
| Category | Details |
|---|---|
| Law / Policy | Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 |
| Enforcing Agency | U.S. Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights |
| Original Purpose | Prohibit sex-based discrimination in federally funded education programs |
| Agreements Rescinded | 6 total — made during Obama and Biden administrations |
| Schools Affected | Cape Henlopen (DE), Delaware Valley (PA), Fife School District (WA), La Mesa-Spring Valley (CA), Sacramento City Unified (CA), Taft College (CA) |
| Trump Admin Position | Title IX is based on biological sex; prior gender-identity enforcement was “illegal and burdensome” |
| Biden Admin Action | Attempted formal rule expansion to include LGBTQ+ protections under Title IX — struck down by federal court in early 2025 |
| Key Legal Voice | Shiwali Patel, Senior Director of Education Justice, National Women’s Law Center |
| Previous Rescission | Obama-era transgender guidance was also rescinded in 2017 by first Trump administration |
| Current Status | Trump administration has not confirmed whether additional agreements will be rescinded |
The action was presented by the Trump administration as a correction. According to Education Department spokesperson Amelia Joy, previous administrations had “misinterpreted Title IX to pander to political ideology,” and the law was never intended to address gender identity. In early 2025, a federal judge overturned the Biden administration’s official attempt to extend Title IX protections, demonstrating the legitimacy of that argument.
However, terminating agreements that have been reached with particular school districts is a different matter, and experts appear to be genuinely uneasy about it. Family Equality’s Nikhil Vashee described it as “very rare, bizarre,” and he couldn’t remember another instance. That’s a big deal.

The six impacted districts, which are dispersed throughout Delaware, Pennsylvania, Washington, and California, have mostly stated that their operations won’t be altered by the cancellations. In a statement, the Cape Henlopen School District reiterated its dedication to providing a “safe and supportive learning environment.”
As of last week, Taft College reported that it had not even gotten an official message. However, the more serious issue this raises—which isn’t really related to these six districts at all—shouldn’t be covered up by the composed public remarks.
What matters is what occurs the next time. What is the actual force of a Title IX resolution agreement that a school district enters into with the federal government, which is the standard procedure for resolving civil rights complaints?
According to Shiwali Patel of the National Women’s Law Center, agreements lose their impact if districts are aware that they can be revoked by any future administration on the basis of political preference. The enforcement system as a whole begins to feel conditional. It is a structural issue that persists beyond any one administration.
Some conservatives have a different perspective on this, and they are not wholly incorrect in pointing out that there is a precedent problem on both sides. While acknowledging that the action was unusual, Beth Parlato of the Independent Women’s Law Center cited the court’s decision to reject Biden’s Title IX expansion as justification.
She did, however, freely acknowledge that a future administration might take the same action. There is a sense that no one is entirely comfortable with where this leaves the law, as both sides essentially acknowledge that this creates a pendulum that could swing for decades.
In the meantime, the Trump administration is moving forward with other Title IX initiatives, including investigating states and districts that permit transgender athletes to play on girls’ sports teams. Following the Justice Department’s lawsuit against the state, Minnesota is already preparing for a legal battle.
In his scathing response, Attorney General Keith Ellison described the harassment of children as “just trying to be themselves.” In contrast, the University of Pennsylvania has already consented to modify its transgender athlete policies. It’s still unclear how many institutions will resist and how many will comply covertly in order to avoid repercussions for federal funding.
From a distance, it’s difficult to ignore how completely Title IX has evolved into a different kind of legislation than it was intended to be. It was written in 1972 to encourage women to attend school and participate in sports. These days, it serves as the main legal arena for disputes over gender, identity, and who has the authority to define both.
It is touched by each administration, leaving it slightly more contentious than before. Under the next president, the agreements made under the previous one become liabilities. Students in Delaware, California, and Washington state are attempting to determine which laws truly apply to them in the midst of all of this.
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