For decades, wealthy governments have responded to this argument by rebranding and deflecting. At UN climate talks, the term “reparations” was categorically rejected, especially by the United States, whose chief climate negotiator claimed in 2009 that modern Americans shouldn’t be held responsible for the deeds of their ancestors. If the emissions in question were from ancient times, the argument would be stronger. They’re not. According to economist Jason Hickel’s analysis published in the Lancet Planetary Health in 2015, the United States was accountable for about 40% of excess carbon emissions above the planetary boundary. An additional 29% came from the EU. The accumulation is not finished; it is still ongoing.
Instead of reparations, $100 billion in climate finance was promised; however, this amount was never based on an actual assessment of need, was not fully delivered for years, and was frequently inflated by counting loans, bilateral aid, and private financing as contributions. When the Loss and Damage Fund was formally established at COP27 in Egypt in 2022, it was a real but limited breakthrough. By 2024, $3.2 billion had been disbursed to specific projects in the Global South. That is hardly a rounding error when compared to an estimated $7 trillion annual need. This disparity can be interpreted as the outcome of institutional conflict and political challenges. It can also be interpreted as a long-standing tactic of recognizing the idea while consistently falling short on anything approaching sufficient scale.
It’s important to be open about the complexities of the demand’s politics. Analyst Huma Yusuf pointed out in a Dawn article following Pakistan’s 2022 floods that demanding reparations necessitates a cohesive stance, which is difficult to reconcile with the “catch up” argument that developing countries should be permitted to experience their own high-emissions phase of economic growth. An internal consistency issue that adversaries are quick to exploit arises when a nation continues to build poorly planned infrastructure while simultaneously demanding climate justice. The case for reparations is compelling. It must be accompanied by a genuine dedication to the alternative development path that it suggests.
Beyond semantics, there is a deeper problem with how “aid” and “reparations” are framed. The narrative of donors and recipients—a relationship that is structurally comfortable for the donor—is preserved when wealthy governments characterize climate finance as generosity. The relationship is reversed when the same transfer is referred to as a debt payment. Liability changes. In contrast to charity, the accountability mechanisms associated with debt become pertinent. This is the reason the word is important and why wealthy governments have consistently opposed it. Accepting the logic of liability entails accepting the logic of reparations, and accepting liability may entail accepting unlimited financial and legal risk.
Through groups like the Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development, campaigns at COP summits from Glasgow to Dubai to the 2025 Belem COP30 in Brazil, and individual legal cases like Peruvian farmer Saúl Luciano Lliuya’s lawsuit against the German energy company RWE for damages to his hometown caused by glacial melt, the movement advocating for that accountability has been growing for years. The structural change necessary for a $5 trillion annual transfer has not yet been achieved by these efforts. In ways that would have seemed unthinkable ten years ago, they have gradually and unevenly changed the conversation.
It depends on political will, which, based on the history of these negotiations, appears to be genuinely difficult to find in the capitals that matter most, whether that conversation ever results in actual, large-scale financial transfers—labeled honestly as what they are. The debt can be calculated and is real. For the time being, it is unclear who will force the nations that owe it to pay.

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